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Armed conflicts in Syria

Reporting period: July 2024 - June 2025

A small section of Yarmouk camp (including a Mosque) bombed by the Syrian forces during the civil war between 2011-2024. Damascus Syria. © Pablo Allison. 2025.RAF
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At a glance

Originating in the 2011 protests and their repression, the Syrian conflict evolved into multiple non-international armed conflicts (NIACs) pitting the government supported by Russian forces and Iranian-aligned militias against non-State armed groups including Islamic State, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and Hayat Tahrir al Sham (HTS). These conflicts occurred alongside separate operations by United States (US)-led Combined Joint Task Force of the Operation Inherent Resolve (CJTF-OIR), the United States alone, Türkiye, and Israel, which involved international armed conflicts (IACs), including situations of military occupation. During the reporting period, an offensive led by HTS toppled the Assad government and produced a transitional administration. The HTS government sought to unify armed opposition, reaching a ceasefire agreement with the SDF, but it also confronted residual pro-former government fighters (PFGF) and other militias, while Islamic State attacks resurged. Türkiye kept pressure on the SDF, Israel expanded strikes and deployments, and the United States continued operations against Islamic State and Islamic Resistance in Iraq (IRI).

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The Armed Conflicts

Classifications and Parties to the Conflicts

  1. International armed conflict between Syria and the CJTF-OIR
  2. International armed conflict between Israel and Iran
  3. International armed conflict between Syria and Israel (Israeli military occupation of the Golan Heights and Mount Hermon and Israeli airstrikes across Syria)
  4. Turkish military occupation of parts of northern Syria
  5. Non-international armed conflict involving the CJTF-OIR and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) against Islamic State
  6. Non-international armed conflict between Syria and Islamic State
  7. Non-international armed conflict between the United States and the IRI (now ended)
  8. Non-international armed conflict involving Türkiye and the Syrian National Army (SNA) against the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)
  9. Non-international armed conflict between Israel and Hezbollah
  10. Non-international armed conflict between Syria and the pro-former government fighters (PFGF)
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Civilian Harm

The armed conflicts in Syria continued to involve significant civilian harm through direct and indiscriminate attacks. These included mass killings in Alawi and Druze communities that the new government failed to prevent. Across multiple armed conflicts, civilians were targeted in populated and rural areas, while mines and improvised explosive devices inflicted daily casualties, including on children. Air and artillery strikes regularly hit homes, markets, schools, hospitals, dams, airports, and cultural and religious sites. The effects were disruption to essential services and large-scale displacement. Persons in the power of parties to conflicts were murdered, tortured, and subjected to sexual violence, arbitrary detention, and enforced disappearance, amid slow and contested transitional justice efforts.

Historical Background

Originating in the 2011 protests rooted in the broader context of the Arab Spring and their violent suppression, Syria faced since early 2012 multiple non-international armed conflicts pitting the government, backed by Russian forces and Iranian-aligned militias, against non-State armed groups including Islamic State, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS).

Rise of Islamic State and coalition response

Islamic State’s expansion from 2013 prompted the United States (US)-led Combined Joint Task Force of the Operation Inherent Resolve (CJTF-OIR) intervention from 2015, which occurred without Syrian government consent. Between 2013 and 2019, most territory held by Islamic State was retaken through CJTF-OIR operations with significant SDF support and, separately, by the Syrian government supported by Russian armed forces, Türkiye and Iranian-backed militias. Sporadic attacks continue.

US operations against Shia militias

Since 2019, the US has conducted strikes in Syria, reportedly in response to Shia militia attacks. Conducted without Syrian consent, these operations constitute an international armed conflict (IAC) between the US and Syria alongside the non-international armed conflict with the Shia militias (now ended).

Türkiye’s military presence in northern Syria

Since 2016, Türkiye has conducted coordinated air and ground unilateral campaigns against the SDF, that it perceives as an extension of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), in coordination with Syrian opposition forces (initially involving the Free Syrian Army and, then, its successor, the Syrian National Army (SNA)). In parallel, Türkiye has also controlled and de facto administrated parts of northern Syria, including a 32 km ‘safe zone’ since 2019. This involves a continuing non-international armed conflict between Türkiye and the SDF alongside the military occupation of part of northern Syria by Türkiye.

Israel’s military presence in the Golan Heights and strikes

Israel has occupied the Golan Heights since 1967. From 2017, Israel has regularly struck Iranian and Hezbollah targets in Syria without the latter’s consent, generating international armed conflicts with Syria and Iran and a spillover of the non-international armed conflict between Israel and Hezbollah.

The Syrian government’s efforts in Syria

Beginning in 2020, the overall intensity of hostilities declined. Notably, the 2020 Russia–Türkiye arrangement aimed at de-escalating the violence between Turkish forces and Syrian government troops in the north-western province of Idlib held despite occasional breaches. By mid-2023 the government, with support from Russian, Iranian, and Hezbollah forces, controlled around seventy per cent of its territory, with the remainder divided among Turkish forces and affiliated Syrian opposition groups (northern Syria), HTS (parts of Idlib province) and the SDF (north-east).

Key Developments (2023–2025)

The reporting period saw several major developments:

  1. The end of the Assad regime: in December 2024, HTS led a nationwide offensive that culminated on 8 December in the capture of Damascus and the collapse of the Assad government, with a transitional administration formed under HTS leadership. Simultaneously, Turkish-backed factions of the SNA initiated separate offensives targeting SDF-controlled areas in northern Aleppo. Iranian-backed militias’ capacity declined amid Israeli strikes and loss of their State ally. The interim government sought to unify armed opposition and, in March 2025, concluded an HTS-SDF nationwide ceasefire and political agreement on recognition of Kurdish representation in the government. Persistent divisions produced clashes with remnants of pro-Assad forces, and, by March 2025, a non-international armed conflict between the HTS and the pro-former government fighters (PFGF). Clashes in late April 2025 with Druze militia highlighted the interim government’s limited central authority. As a result of the change of government, Russia’s military posture became uncertain, and Iran and Hezbollah lost direct influence. Iranian forces withdrew by January 2025, after which no further Iran–Israel hostilities occurred on Syrian territory.
  2. Islamic State’s activities in Syria: Islamic State attacks rose markedly from 2023 to 2024 and persisted into early 2025. The interim government maintained pressure, while the CJTF-OIR intensified strikes in December 2024. However, the United States later signalled a reduction of its military presence, though the Coalition extended its mission through at least 2026, still without Syrian government consent.
  3. Türkiye’s military presence in Syria: Türkiye and Turkish-backed SNA intensified operations against the SDF through March 2025, including airstrikes. Direct Türkiye–SDF talks began in June 2025. Despite deepening ties with the interim government, Türkiye’s activities proceeded without its express consent.
  4. Israel’s military presence in Syria: following October 2023, Israel expanded strikes across Syria, deployed on Mount Hermon, moved into demilitarized areas, and seized strategic terrain. The interim government denounced these actions while reaffirming its commitment to the 1974 ceasefire agreements.
  5. Growing tensions between the United States and the Islamic Resistance in Iraq (IRI): IRI attacks on US forces peaked by early 2024 and drew US airstrikes. Incidents declined after February 2024 and ceased in Syria following Iran’s withdrawal, though militias threatened renewed action.

Change of the Syrian government

The overthrow of Bashar al-Assad on 8 December 2024 and the installation of an interim authority led by Ahmed al-Sharaa (HTS) raise the question of whether this entity is the government of Syria. Under international humanitarian law (IHL), governmental status turns on effectiveness, namely the capacity to exercise core state functions across territory, including maintaining law and order. International recognition and political legitimacy are thus not determinative. Despite political fragmentation and contested control in some areas, the interim authority exercises control over by far the largest share of Syrian territory and performs core governmental functions. Consequently, HTS ceases to exist as a non-State armed group, terminating the non-international armed conflicts with the former government and between HTS and Islamic State.

International Armed Conflicts

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Syria vs CJTF-OIR

International Armed Conflict between Syria and the CJTF-OIR

Since September 2014, Syria has been in an IAC with States contributing to the CJTF-OIR because coalition forces have conducted operations against Islamic State on Syrian territory without the Syrian government’s consent. The establishment of an interim Syrian government in December 2024 has not altered this assessment since the incoming authorities have not explicitly expressed consent to CJTF-OIR activities on Syrian soil. Until a clear change in position is established, the legal status remains that of an IAC between Syria and States contributing to the CJTF-OIR.

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Israel vs Iran

International Armed Conflict between Israel and Iran

Since 2017, Israel has conducted strikes in Syria against Iranian military forces and Iranian-backed militias, meaning there was an international armed conflict between Israel and Iran on Syrian territory. The situation shifted following the December 2024 change of government in Syria, after which Iranian armed forces withdrew from Syria. No further incidents between Israel and Iran have been reported there since. In light of that withdrawal and the absence of subsequent hostilities in Syria as of January 2025, the international armed conflict between Israel and Iran may persist at the inter-State level, but it has not been taking place on Syrian territory.

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Military presence of Israel in the Golan Heights and Mount Hermon

Military presence of Israel in the Golan Heights and Mount Hermon

Israel has exercised effective control over the Golan Heights, including Mount Hermon, since its seizure in June 1967, displacing much of the Syrian population and administering a territory internationally recognized as part of Syria. Since Syria has not consented to Israel’s presence, the situation meets the criteria for military occupation. Israeli annexation attempts, internationally condemned, do not alter this legal status. Following the outbreak of hostilities between Hamas and Israel in October 2023, Israel expanded its ground posture beyond areas already under its control. Moreover, after the change of government in Syria in December 2024, Israel conducted recurrent airstrikes across Syrian territory, without Syrian government consent. These operations, undertaken outside the occupied area, amount to a resort to force on the territory of another State and therefore fall within the classification of international armed conflict between Israel and Syria, alongside the continuing occupation of the Golan Heights.

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Military presence of Türkiye in northern Syria

Military presence of Türkiye in northern Syria

Türkiye has maintained and progressively expanded its military presence in northern Syria since 2016, retaining troops, supporting local governance and allied rebel forces, and consolidating de facto authority in border areas. As these activities have occurred without Syrian consent, the zones where Turkish forces exercise effective control amount to military occupation. After the change of government in December 2024, Türkiye further increased deployments and operations against the SDF beyond areas already under its control. However, the available information does not establish sufficient effective control in those additional localities to qualify as occupation. The interim authorities have deepened engagement with Türkiye, including discussions on military cooperation, but have not publicly consented to Türkiye’s presence or to its operations against the SDF. Accordingly, pending sufficient evidence of consent, areas under Turkish effective control remain occupied.

Non-International Armed Conflicts

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CJTF-OIR and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) vs Islamic State

Non-international armed conflict involving the CJTF-OIR and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) against Islamic State

Islamic State, which evolved into a distinct entity after 2013 and lost its territorial hold in 2019, nonetheless retains sufficient organization to qualify as a non-State armed group under IHL. The current hostilities pit Islamic State against States contributing to the CJTF-OIR and the SDF in a NIAC. Although an agreement envisages integrating the SDF into Syria’s armed forces, implementation remains uncertain, therefore the SDF continues to operate as a separate organized armed group. The SDF’s coalition structure, identifiable command and discipline system, sustained training, financing and logistics, territorial control through the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), and coherent external engagement satisfy the organization criterion. CJTF-OIR provides essential and ongoing support to SDF operations, and their closely coordinated action warrants treating them as parties on the same side of the non-international armed conflict, allowing aggregation of their conduct for the intensity assessment. Islamic State’s continued territorial presence and the resurgence and persistence of attacks, met by raids and strikes, demonstrate protracted, organised violence. The situation therefore continues to be classified as a NIAC.

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Syria vs Islamic State

Non-international armed conflict between Syria and Islamic State

Islamic State maintains footholds in Deir Ez Zor and has expanded operations to Homs, Hama and Raqqa. In 2024 its attacks against the former Syrian government became more regular and coordinated, using heavy weaponry and causing significant casualties among Syrian forces, damage to facilities and harm to civilians. Recent incidents confirm continued capacity despite the interim government’s efforts, including explosive-device attacks on soldiers in the east and a suicide bombing in Damascus. The frequency, organization, and sophistication of the attacks involving Islamic State and the Syrian government remain sufficient to satisfy the intensity threshold under IHL. Since Islamic State meets the organization criterion, a non-international armed conflict persists between the Syrian government and Islamic State. Although Islamic State may control parts of territory, Syria is not party to Additional Protocol II and that treaty does not apply.

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United States vs Islamic Resistance in Iraq (IRI)

Non-international armed conflict between the United States and the Islamic Resistance in Iraq (IRI)

Following the situation in Gaza from October 2023, factions operating under the banner of the IRI conducted coordinated rocket, missile, and drone attacks against US forces and installations in Iraq and Syria, prompting US retaliatory airstrikes on weapons depots, training areas and safe houses. The resulting pattern of sustained, reciprocal violence, the use of heavy weaponry, and strikes on fortified military sites satisfied the intensity threshold under IHL. Each constituent faction of the IRI possesses hierarchical military and administrative structures, training systems and significant materiel. While Iran provides substantial financing, equipment and training, available information is insufficient to establish that Iran is involved in the general planning of their military activities. Despite distinct chains of command, shared branding, communications and synchronized operations support treating the IRI as a single party to a non-international armed conflict with the United States. Reported incidents declined markedly after February 2024 and ceased in Syria following the governmental change, though public warnings issued in early 2025 indicate a significant risk of resumption.

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Türkiye and Syria National Army (SNA) vs Syria Democratic Forces (SDF)

Non-international armed conflict involving Türkiye and the Syrian National Army (SNA) against the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)

Since October 2019, sustained hostilities have opposed Türkiye and Turkish-backed SNA forces to the SDF. The SDF is sufficiently organized to qualify as an armed group under IHL. The SNA, reassembled from former Free Syrian Army (FSA) factions, also meets the organization criterion through a hierarchical command, internal discipline, territorial control along the Turkish border and an estimated force of tens of thousands of fighters, testifying of its organized nature. Türkiye provides the SNA with weapons, intelligence, logistics, training and air support, and they conduct coordinated operations, warranting treatment of Türkiye and the SNA as co-belligerents on the same side of a non-international armed conflict and permitting aggregation of their conduct for the intensity assessment. Operations intensified from 2022 and culminated in a late-2024 offensive around Manbij, Kobani and eastern Aleppo, causing significant combatant and civilian harm and infrastructure damage. Despite some de-escalation, clashes persist. Accordingly, the non-international armed conflict remains ongoing, subject to any reassessment of SDF integration into the reconstituted Syrian armed forces.

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Israel vs Hezbollah

Non-international armed conflict between Israel and Hezbollah (spillover)

Hezbollah has maintained an organized military presence in Syria since 2013 in support of the Assad government and has periodically engaged the Israeli armed forces there. From July 2019, a partial redeployment of Hezbollah forces toward the Lebanese border reduced the frequency of clashes on Syrian territory. The situation changed markedly after 8 October 2023, when Hezbollah began regular cross-border attacks against Israel Defense Forces positions along the Lebanon frontier, including strikes within Israeli-occupied areas of Syria. These hostilities persisted throughout the reporting period and involved recurrent exchanges across the border. These incidents constitute a spillover of the ongoing non-international armed conflict between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon, rather than a distinct armed conflict.

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Syria vs pro-former government fighters (PFGF)

Non-international armed conflict between Syria and pro-former government fighters (PFGF)

Following the change of government in December 2024, the interim authorities’ efforts to disarm remnants of the former security forces triggered sustained clashes. Although these incidents involved significant violence, the factions of PFGF engaged were initially not hierarchically organized and it was unclear whether they acted under formal orders. In March 2025, the organizational picture changed: despite no longer following the former government’s structure, coordination among PFGF factions emerged and operations reflected combined military and intelligence patterns. The force is estimated at 2,000 to 4,000 fighters. The group’s ability to act and communicate with a unified voice was reflected by the Council for the Liberation of Syria’s claim of responsibility for recent attacks. On this basis, notwithstanding earlier decentralization, the PFGF has since March 2025 exhibited sufficient unity and coordination to qualify as an organized armed group. Coupled with the sustained violence, the confrontation with the interim government since that time constitutes a non-international armed conflict.

Parties to the Conflict(s) and Other Main Actors

State Parties

  • United States (US)
  • Iran
  • Israel
  • Syria
  • Türkiye
  • States contributing to the Combined Joint Task Force of Operation Inherent Resolve (CJTF-OIR), including the United Kingdom, Spain, Canada, Australia (at least until December 2024), Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Italy.

Non-State Parties

A wide array of non-State armed groups are active in Syria. Below is a selection of the most important armed groups or alliances:

  • Hezbollah (Lebanese)
  • Islamic Resistance in Iraq (IRI)
  • Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (Islamic State)
  • Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)
  • Syrian National Army (SNA)
  • Pro-former government fighters (PFGF)

ATTACKS ON CIVILIANS

The armed conflicts in Syria caused significant civilian harm with direct attacks on civilians and indiscriminate attacks causing continued casualties. There were mass killings in Alawi and Druze communities which the new government did little to suppress and for which it is responsible under international law.

Civilians were directly targeted across several armed conflicts. In the non-international armed conflict where Türkiye backs the Syrian National Army (SNA) against the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), airstrikes hit a crowd of civilian protesters near Tishrin Dam without warning, causing deaths and injuries and indicating direct attacks or at least failures of precautions. During hostilities between Syria and Islamic State before December 2024, fighters attacked shepherds in Homs, Deir ez Zor and Raqqa, killing many and destroying their livestock. These attacks are prima facie war crimes. In the context of the international armed conflict between Syria and Israel, security forces fired on unarmed protesters in Maariya and later used drones against residents mobilized to protect water installations in Nawa, causing further civilian casualties.

Attacks in densely populated areas

Airstrikes in densely populated areas caused significant civilian harm. During late 2024 and early 2025, intensified operations by the former Syrian government, supported by Russia, against HTS in Idlib sharply increased casualties, with repeated strikes on markets and residential neighbourhoods that killed and injured many, including women and children. On consecutive days, multiple attacks hit a local market and several residential areas, followed by another strike on a residential district. In the non-international armed conflict between Israel and Hezbollah, Israeli forces conducted numerous strikes in and around Damascus, again resulting in civilian deaths and injuries, including among women and children. Israel claimed these operations targeted weapons transfers and a militia command center, but the assertions could not be verified.

ATTACKS ON CIVILIAN INFRASTRUCTURE

Attacks on civilian infrastructure, notably in densely populated areas, destroyed, caused extensive damage, including to essential services, health facilities, dams, airports and cultural property.

Attacks in densely populated areas

Hostilities in densely populated areas amplify incidental and reverberating effects on civilians and essential services. In the erstwhile non-international armed conflict between HTS and the then Syrian government, documented violations by both sides occurred through air and artillery attacks in urban centres, particularly during the lead-up to the government’s collapse in late 2024. Government airstrikes damaged power infrastructure and disabled water stations, reducing access to clean water for large numbers of civilians. HTS rocket fire struck an educational facility in Aleppo, causing civilian casualties and infrastructure damage. Subsequent pro-government airstrikes hit a marketplace in Idlib, killing and injuring civilians and destroying homes and commercial premises.

VIOLATIONS AGAINST PERSONS IN THE HANDS OF THE ENEMY

People in the power of parties to the conflicts faced widespread violations, including murder, torture, arbitrary detention, sexual violence and enforced disappearances. Children and women were particularly exposed. Property in areas controlled by the parties was looted and destroyed. Serious concerns were documented regarding the treatment of dead and transitional justice during the reporting period.

Within the non-international armed conflict between the interim Syrian government and the PFGF, evidence indicates that both sides murdered civilians. Between 7 and 9 March 2025, coordinated attacks across more than forty coastal locations resulted in up to 1,500 Alawi civilians killed, including children, older persons, and persons with disabilities. Perpetrators included interim government forces, PFGF fighters, and private individuals. Witnesses described identification of Alawi residents, their forced removal from homes, dehumanizing slurs, and lists of names, indicating targeted killings. The interim president condemned the violence and announced an investigation. A subsequent national inquiry reported identifying hundreds of alleged perpetrators from military factions and armed groups linked to the former government and referring names to the Attorney General. IHL, however, requires accountability for all responsible.