For more than a decade, Mali has experienced overlapping non international armed conflicts (NIACs), pitting Malian armed forces (FAMa) and allied militias against Tuareg separatist coalitions and Islamist groups such as Jama’at Nasr Al Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) and the Islamic State in the Sahel Province (ISSP). The 2015 Algiers Accords failed to end violence, and former Plateforme and CMA coalitions reconfigured into Cadre Stratégique Permanent pour la Paix, la Sécurité et le Développement (CSP-PSD), later Cadre stratégique pour la défense du people de l’Azawad (CSP-DPA) and then the Front de Libération de l’Azawad (FLA), which now claims to represent Azawad and seeks independence. External involvement shifted from French and United Nations (UN) support to backing by the Wagner Group, rebranded then as Africa Corps. The period also featured a serious drone incident with Algeria, alleged Ukrainian support to separatists, below threshold clashes between ISSP and JNIM, continuing activity of Dan Na Ambassagou and a surge of repression and armed violence in May 2025.
Classifications and Parties to the Conflicts
- International armed conflict between Algeria and Mali (early April 2025)
- Non-international armed conflict between Mali (supported by the Wagner Group/Africa Corps) and Jama’at Nasr Al Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM)
- Non-international armed conflict between Mali (supported by the Wagner Group/Africa Corps) and Islamic State in the Sahel Province (ISSP)
- Non-international armed conflict between Mali (supported by the Wagner Group/Africa Corps) and the Front de Libération de l’Azawad (FLA) (formerly known as the Cadre stratégique pour la défense du peuple de l’Azawad – CSP-DPA and before that, the Cadre stratégique permanent pour la paix, la sécurité et le développement – CSP-PSD) coalition
Hostilities in Mali were marked by serious violations of IHL. ISSP attacked an internally displaced persons (IDPs) camp and a civilian convoy, while JNIM employed improvised explosive devices against civilian transportation, ordered village evacuations and attacked homes, villages, livestock and livelihoods, prompting forced displacement. FAMa drone strikes repeatedly hit civilian objects, including busy markets. Attacks on Base Aérienne 101 damaged a humanitarian aircraft, raising concerns regarding distinction, proportionality and precautions. FAMa and Wagner forces were accused of widespread killings, mass arrests, arbitrary detention, and enforced disappearances, often with ethnic targeting, while JNIM and ISSP carried out summary executions and abductions, as well as hostage-taking and enforced disappearances for the former. Severe sexual violence and recruitment and use of children, perpetrated by both State and non-State actors, were also reported.
Historical Background
Origins
For more than a decade, Mali has faced a complex and evolving landscape of non-international armed conflicts (NIACs) involving both separatist and Islamist armed groups. This includes hostilities against Tuareg separatist factions in northern Mali and against Islamist groups, notably Jama’a Nusra al-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JNIM) and the Islamic State in the Sahel Province (ISSP). Other episodes of armed violence have involved ethnic militias and self-defence groups, but where the confrontations have not met the organization or intensity thresholds to qualify as NIACs under IHL.
Coalitions
Between 2014 and 2015, armed groups coalesced into two coalitions, the Plateforme des Mouvements du 14 juin 2014 d’Alger (Plateforme), comprising mostly pro-government groups, and the Coordination des Mouvements de l’Azawad (CMA), a separatist coalition.
Peace accord
Confrontations between the Malian Armed Forces (FAMa), Plateforme, and the CMA culminated in the Algiers Accords signed on 20 June 2015. Despite the agreement, armed clashes continued.
Cadre Stratégique Permanent pour la Paix, la Sécurité et le Développement (CSP-PSD) and other armed actors
In 2021, the former CMA and Plateforme coalitions merged to form the CSP-PSD. Ethnic armed groups allied to FAMa, as well as self-defence groups and militias, have also been fighting Islamist armed groups for several years.
External support
FAMa were initially supported by the French Armed Forces and United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA). France ended its mission on 9 November 2022, and MINUSMA completed its withdrawal on 31 December 2023. Since 2021, FAMa have been supported by the Wagner Group, rebranded in late 2023 as the Africa Corps. Mali also withdrew from the G5 Sahel regional security initiative in June 2022.
Key Developments (2023–2025)
- Malian Air Force drone suspected of being downed in Algerian territory: On 1 April 2025, Mali and Algeria acknowledged the destruction of a Malian UAV but provided divergent accounts. Mali stated the drone crashed on Malian territory near the border and accused Algeria of a hostile premeditated action, arguing the mission involved surveillance of a terrorist group. Algeria asserted the UAV penetrated its airspace and was shot down while allegedly on an attack trajectory. The incident triggered a rapid diplomatic escalation and Mali’s withdrawal from regional security arrangements involving Algeria. The Alliance of Sahel States (AES) partners – Niger and Burkina Faso – condemned Algeria.
- Tuareg separatist groups in continuous evolution: from CSP-PSD to Cadre stratégique pour la défense du people de l’Azawad (CSP-DPA) to Front de Libération de l’Azawad (FLA): The Algiers Accords collapsed on 25 January 2024, following renewed hostilities from August 2023 and the recapture of Kidal by FAMa in November 2023. The CSP-PSD fractured, reconstituted as CSP-DPA in April 2024, then dissolved into the Front de Libération de l’Azawad (FLA) in November 2024, which claims to represent Azawad and seeks independence.
- Russian support forces rebranding and setback, and possible Ukrainian involvement: Wagner’s rebranding into Africa Corps sets the new entity as an agent of the Russian State. In August 2024, fighting between FAMa, supported by Wagner Group/Africa Corps, and CSP-DPA marked a major setback for Malian forces, with separatists claiming to have inflicted heavy losses. Separatists were also reported to have used modified quadcopter drones, amid allegations of Ukrainian intelligence and training support that resulted in Mali severing diplomatic ties with Kyiv for alleged support to terrorism. Ukraine denied supplying drones, arms, intelligence or other support, characterizing the accusations as disinformation.
- Evolving below the threshold situation between the ISSP and JNIM: Repeated clashes in Gao are reported but are assessed as falling below the NIAC intensity threshold.
- Dan Na Ambassagou (self-defence group) activities: Dan Na Ambassagou is a coalition of self-defence groups formed in 2016, with limited logistical capacity and no clear unified stance, mostly clashing with Fulani rivals.
- Political unrest and violence during May 2025: May 2025 combined political repression, abductions and unresolved disappearances with heightened armed violence, including a large-scale JNIM assault on Dioura, allegations of executions by soldiers, continued raids, a claimed FLA drone strike, and tensions over mining administration.
International Armed Conflict
Algeria vs Mali (early April 2025)
An IAC arises whenever there is a resort to armed force between States and the alleged interception and destruction by Algerian armed forces of a Malian military drone near Tin Zaouatine, might suffice to trigger an IAC. The circumstances remain disputed, notably whether the aircraft breached Algerian airspace or was engaged while remaining over Malian territory. In any event, the absence of subsequent military operations or continuing confrontation indicates that hostilities did not persist after the incident.
Non-International Armed Conflicts
Mali vs JNIM
The situation between Mali and Jama’a Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin constitutes a NIAC within the broader Malian war that began in 2012 with a Tuareg rebellion, with JNIM emerging as a principal armed group opposing State authority and exercising influence over populations through the imposition of strict rules of conduct. Hostilities are protracted, with an escalation of military operations and repeated clashes between 2023 and 2025, including complex assaults on military positions and attacks affecting civilians, as well as counter-operations by Malian forces and allied Russian auxiliaries. The hostilities are characterized as planned, frequent, and sustained, satisfying the intensity criterion for a NIAC and aligning with the notion of sustained and concerted military operations under Article 1(1) of Additional Protocol II of 1977. JNIM possesses a hierarchical command structure with tiered leadership, internal disciplinary bodies, training capacity, coordinated tactics, logistics networks, and recruitment and communication mechanisms. Its territorial presence enables the ability to implement Additional Protocol II, supporting classification as an Additional Protocol II-type NIAC that continued throughout the period.
Mali vs ISSP
Hostilities between FAMa and the ISSP constitute a NIAC rooted in Mali’s crises since 2012 and ISSP’s emergence in 2015. The reporting period reflects protracted armed violence fulfilling intensity criterion through recurring attacks on FAMa and escorted convoys, temporary overrunning of military positions, seizure of weapons and vehicles, ambushes and coordinated assaults, episodic external support to FAMa, and repeated attacks affecting civilians and civilian objects. These hostilities were marked by a sharp escalation in June 2025 following the replacement of Wagner by Africa Corps, alongside a major ISSP attack on the Tessit military camp. ISSP demonstrates a sufficient level of organization through a consolidated chain of command; a structured regional and zonal framework with designated leadership, judicial, and military functions; internal discipline mechanisms; logistics supported by strongholds and supply corridors, and coordinated tactics relying on improvised explosive devices (IEDs). ISSP is further reported to exercise stable control over parts of north-eastern Mali, and the NIAC persisted throughout 2023, 2024, and into 2025 and could amount to an Additional Protocol II-type conflict.
Mali vs FLA
The hostilities opposing FAMa to the FLA, emerging from the CSP-DPA, constitute a NIAC. While the coalition landscape evolved from earlier northern groupings into the CSP-DPA and then the FLA, the period was marked by repeated armed engagements involving the seizure of military positions, capture of soldiers, and the downing or damaging of Malian aircraft. These were followed by renewed large-scale clashes in mid-2024 and continued attacks into 2025. Operations included offensives against FAMa and Russian paramilitaries, the use of drones as military means, and further lethal confrontations in the Kidal region, meeting the intensity threshold under IHL despite their episodic phases. The FLA’s organization is inferred from its composition as a successor to the CSP-DPA, which operated under identifiable leadership, maintained a command structure, and demonstrated logistical and operational capacity, including drone use.
Parties to the Conflict
State Parties
- Mali
- Algeria (up until 1 April 2025; now declassified)
Non-State Parties
- Jama’at Nasr Al Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM)
- Islamic State Sahel Province (ISSP)
- Front de Libération de l’Azawad (FLA) (formerly known as Cadre stratégique pour la défense du peuple de l’Azawad – CSP-DPA) coalition
Other Main Actors:
Other Non-State Actors Involved:
- Dan Na Ambassagou self-defence groups
Foreign Involvement
- Africa Corps (Russia)
- Ukraine (potentially)
ATTACKS ON CIVILIANS
Hostilities in Mali involved serious IHL violations affecting civilians. Islamic State in the Sahel (ISSP) reportedly attacked an internally displaced person (IDP) camp near Ménaka in retaliation. A civilian convoy escorted by the Malian Armed Forces (FAMa) and the Wagner Group was also ambushed. Drone strikes by FAMa were linked to attacks on civilian objects including busy markets. Improvised explosive device (IED) incidents attributed to Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wa al-Muslimeen (JNIM) killed and wounded civilians. JNIM also ordered village evacuations and killed local leaders, prompting forced displacement.
Attacks against Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)
IDPs are civilians and, as such, remain protected against direct attack under IHL. An ISSP attack on an IDP camp on the outskirts of Ménaka was reported in July 2024. The camp reportedly hosted around 200 ethnic Dawsahak, and the assault was described as targeted retaliation against this community, which the ISSP accused of collaborating with JNIM, resulting in the killing of several men. Such violence directed at an IDP site breaches the customary and treaty prohibition on attacks against civilians and may constitutes war crimes.
Attacks against Civilian Convoy
A civilian convoy in Mali was ambushed on 7 February 2025, raising serious concerns under the customary and treaty IHL rules protecting civilians and requiring that attacks comply with distinction, proportionality, and feasible precautions in attack. The convoy comprised 19 vehicles transporting more than 100 civilians and was escorted by the FAMa and the Wagner Group, yet such escort does not, as such, render it a military objective. The attack was not claimed, but occurred in an area where the ISSP is active, and was presented as potentially retaliatory following earlier operations on the same road. Opening fire on the convoy as a whole may indicate an indiscriminate attack. Casualty figures differed, with the FAMa reporting 25 civilians killed and 13 injured, while other reporting claimed 78 civilian casualties.
ATTACKS ON CIVILIAN INFRASTRUCTURE
In Mali, JNIM was reported to have repeatedly attacked civilian objects, notably villages and homes. In Bamako, JNIM claimed responsibility for an attack on the Faladié national gendarmerie training school. JNIM has also reportedly looted livestock and undermined agricultural livelihoods, in breach of the protection of objects indispensable to the survival of civilian population and the prohibitions of pillage and wanton destruction. An attack on Base Aérienne 101 damaged aircraft, including a humanitarian plane, raising concerns under distinction, proportionality, and precautions in attack.
Attacks on Homes and Villages
In Mali, reports indicate that JNIM has repeatedly attacked civilian objects, notably villages and homes, contrary to the customary IHL rule that attacks may only be directed against military objectives. Between June and November 2024, JNIM was described as carrying out widespread destruction of housing in central Mali, burning large numbers of homes in communities perceived as supporting the Dan Na Ambassagou militia. In Tilé, hundreds of houses were reportedly destroyed, with witnesses describing fighters arriving on motorbikes, setting dwellings ablaze and firing at civilians. Similar tactics were reported in Souleye in the Ségou region, where the protracted violence has left the village without basic services, including a functioning school and effective access to healthcare.
VIOLATIONS AGAINST PERSONS IN THE HANDS OF THE ENEMY
In Mali, serious violations were reported against persons in the hands of the enemy, including widespread civilian killings attributed to FAMa supported by the Wagner Group, often with ethnic targeting, executions, concealment of bodies, mass graves, and destruction of property, as well as mass arrests followed by torture and alleged executions outside military facilities. JNIM and the ISSP were also accused of summary executions, including targeted killings of local leaders. Abductions and detention practices raised concerns of arbitrary detention, hostage-taking to coerce third parties, and enforced disappearances. Severe sexual violence affected mainly women and girls, and children faced grave violations, including recruitment and use in hostilities, largely attributed to non-State armed groups.
Murder of Civilians
In Mali, FAMa, supported by the Wagner Group, were accused of widespread and at times deliberate killings of civilians during counterterrorism operations and reprisals, often reportedly targeting individuals on ethnic grounds, particularly Fulani suspected of links with Islamist groups. Dozens of civilian deaths were attributed to FAMa and Russian operatives between May and December 2024, with allegations continuing in 2025 and including executions, concealment of bodies, mass graves and destruction of civilian property during raids. Reports further describe mass arrests followed by torture and alleged executions outside military facilities. Non-State armed groups were also accused of summary executions, with JNIM and the ISSP reportedly killing numerous civilians across several regions, including targeted killings of local leaders.